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Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS): A New Power Bloc in East Malaysia

Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) is a Sabah-based political coalition that emerged during a period of political realignment in Malaysia. Formed in 2020, GRS was created to unify pro-federal and local parties in Sabah, particularly to counter the growing influence of WARISAN. Since then, it has governed Sabah and become a key regional player with national implications.

Fast Facts

  • Formed: September 2020
  • Type: Political coalition (not a single party)
  • Core Ideology: Sabah-centric governance, federal cooperation, conservative nationalism
  • Member Parties (as of 2023):
    • Parti Gagasan Rakyat Sabah (GAGASAN)
    • Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS)
    • Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP)
    • United Sabah National Organisation (USNO)
    • Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)
    • Parti Cinta Sabah
  • Current Chief Minister of Sabah: Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor (GAGASAN)

Origins: Born from a Power Struggle

  • Backdrop: In 2020, WARISAN led by Shafie Apdal controlled the Sabah state government. However, political shifts in Kuala Lumpur (the Sheraton Move) triggered realignments nationwide.
  • Snap election (September 2020): Pro-federal parties in Sabah banded together under the Gabungan Rakyat Sabah banner to challenge WARISAN in the state election.
  • Victory: GRS won a simple majority and formed the new Sabah government, ending WARISAN’s short rule.

GRS was less about ideology and more about strategy: a unified anti-WARISAN front backed by federal allies.


Political Composition and Evolution

  • Early structure: Initially, GRS included Perikatan Nasional (PN)Barisan Nasional (BN), and local Sabah parties.
  • Tensions with UMNO: Internal rivalry between UMNO and local GRS leaders (especially Hajiji) led to tensions within the coalition.
  • GRS as a formal coalition (2022): Registered as an official coalition distinct from PN or BN, signaling its ambition to be a Sabah-first political force.

GRS Today

  • Governance: GRS leads the Sabah state government, with Hajiji as Chief Minister.
  • Federal alignment: Post-GE15, GRS declared support for Anwar Ibrahim’s Unity Government, positioning itself as a kingmaker from East Malaysia.
  • Focus areas:
    • Implementing state autonomy in line with Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63).
    • Accelerating rural development and infrastructure.
    • Defending Sabah’s rights over immigration, natural resources, and education.

Sabah Identity, National Impact

  • Sabah-first narrative: GRS emphasizes that its loyalty lies with Sabahans, not Peninsular political masters.
  • Tensions within coalition politics:
    • Strained ties with UMNO Sabah (especially Bung Moktar Radin).
    • Ongoing realignment of Sabah’s political map, with parties leaving or joining GRS or forming new alliances.
  • East Malaysian influence: Alongside GPS in Sarawak, GRS strengthens East Malaysia’s bargaining power in federal politics.

Why GRS Matters

  • Decisive role in federal balance: In hung parliaments, Sabah and Sarawak blocs — like GRS — often tip the scale toward forming a federal government.
  • New Sabah political landscape: GRS represents the shift from national party dominance (like UMNO) to state-centric coalitions with local legitimacy.
  • Autonomy agenda: GRS leaders consistently push for greater fiscal and administrative autonomy, a key point of East Malaysian discontent since 1963.
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News

Malaysia Tabled Budget 2026: Key Takeaways

What’s just happened
On October 10, 2025, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim (also Finance Minister) presented Malaysia’s Budget 2026 in Parliament. The budget is framed as the Fourth Madani Budget: People’s Budget (Belanjawan Madani Keempat: Belanjawan Rakyat).

The big picture

  • Total allocation: RM 470 billion (up ~11.6 % from Budget 2025) 
  • Operating outlays and development spending both expanded, with emphasis on social aids, infrastructure, and growth sectors. 
  • But some analysts note a tighter underlying envelope: core budget estimates suggest RM 419.2 billion, excluding contingency funds — marking a slight contraction vs. previous. 

What’s in It for the People (and the Economy)

1. Cash handouts & social assistance

  • RM 100 one-off aid for all Malaysians aged 18+ (22 million people) 
  • The Sara / Sumbangan Asas Rahmah (STR) payout will be advanced to Oct 18, with RM 100 credit via MyKad.
  • Childcare tax reliefs expanded: up to RM 3,000 relief now extended to children up to age 12. 
  • Legal aid for 5,000 poor single mothers; expanded income tax relief for admission fees to local tourism and cultural sites (up to RM 1,000)

2. Infrastructure & development push

  • Sabah, Sarawak receives higher development allocations; RM 48 billion for highway & transport works.
  • Flood mitigation: RM 2.2 billion for 43 high-priority projects, plus slope, drainage, and preventive maintenance.
  • “Cash-for-clunkers” scheme: matching grant up to RM 4,000 for owners scrapping > 20-year-old vehicles and purchasing new local models.

3. Business, tech, and sector support

  • GLIC / GLCs mobilize RM 16.5 billion in investment; GEAR-UP to raise domestic investment from RM 25 → RM 30 billion.
  • SME & Bumiputera aid: RM 50 billion in loan guarantees; special allocations for Bumiputera contractors (G1–G4), startups, and equity programmes.
  • Sovereign AI Cloud: RM 2 billion via MCMC; digital accelerator grants and Green Asset Incentives.

4. Tax, subsidy & regulatory tweaks

  • Excise duty on alcoholic beverages raised 10% (effective Nov 1, 2025)
  • Carbon tax introduced in 2026, initially targeting iron, steel, energy sectors.
  • Vehicle tax exemptions in Langkawi / Labuan now capped to vehicles valued under RM 300,000 from Jan 1, 2026.
  • Stamp duty relief for first-time homes (≤ RM 500,000) extended to 2027; non-citizen residential property transfer duty raised from 4 % → 8 %.
  • “Lemon Law” elements will be added to Consumer Protection Act to protect buyers.

Fiscal Discipline & Risks

Deficit & revenue

  • The government aims to narrow the fiscal deficit to ~3.4–3.6 % of GDP, from ~3.8 % this year. 
  • Revenue target: RM 343.1 billion, up from RM 334.1 billion. 
  • The state oil & gas giant Petronas is expected to contribute only RM 20–25 billion in dividends — a decline from RM 32 billion this year — amid weak oil prices. 

Caution over big moves

  • Analysts say the budget reflects a cautious, disciplined approach, balancing between pro-people measures and fiscal reform.
  • Some observers note that despite the headline RM 470 billion, the “real” core allocations present a leaner stance.
  • Anwar has also paused major new taxes or sweeping subsidy cuts for now, likely to avoid public backlash.

External and structural risks

  • Global oil price volatility could pressure Petronas revenues and ripple into federal coffers.
  • Trade tensions and tariffs, especially U.S. 19 % tariffs on many Malaysian exports, pose external demand risks.
  • Efficient implementation, leakages, and coordination among federal, state entities remain perennial challenges.

Why It Matters (and What to Watch)

  • Signal of continuity + prudence: Budget 2026 suggests the Anwar government intends to maintain a pro-growth, pro-rakyat posture while avoiding aggressive fiscal pivots.
  • Welfare support under strain: As cost of living pressures remain high, handouts and subsidies are critical for public confidence.
  • Investment pivot: Big bets on digital, AI, green transition, SME growth, and GLIC/GLC leverage could reshape Malaysia’s economic trajectory.
  • Test ahead: The next test will be tax collection, public debt sustainability, and whether promised reforms translate into real-world impact.

Watch for

  • How carbon tax is rolled out and which sectors are impacted
  • Whether proposed excise & duty increases spark inflationary pressure
  • Execution of infrastructure / climate adaptation schemes
  • Petronas dividend trajectory in a low-oil price era
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News

Sabah 2025: Stakes, Players, and the Battle for 73 Seats

Sabah is poised once again for a high-stakes political contest. The 17th Sabah State Election (PRN-17), expected later in 2025, will determine control of the Sabah State Legislative Assembly (73 seats). The outcome will influence Sabah’s relationship with Putrajaya, control of state resources, and the strength of Sabah-based versus peninsula-based parties.

Seats & Potential Candidates

Below is a skeletal list of state constituencies in Sabah (N1, N2, … up to N73), with some known or speculated candidates where publicly reported. Please treat this as an evolving snapshot; many names may yet change.

N01 Banggi

Incumbent: Mohammad Mohamarin – GRS (GAGASAN)

N02 Bengkoka

Incumbent: Harun Durabi – BN (UMNO)

N03 Pitas

Incumbent: Ruddy Awah – GRS (GAGASAN)

N04 Tanjong Kapor

Incumbent: Ben Chong Chen Bin – GRS (GAGASAN)

No5 Matunggong

Incumbent: Julita Majungki – GRS (PBS)

N06 Bandau

Incumbent: Wetrom Bahanda – KDM

N07 Tandek

Incumbent: Hendrus Anding – GRS (PBS)

N08 Pintasan

Incumbent: Fairuz Renddan – GRS (GAGASAN)

N09 Tempasuk

Incumbent: Mohd Arsad Bistari – GRS (GAGASAN)

N10 Usukan

Incumbent: Salleh Said Keruak – BN (UMNO)

N11 Kadamaian

Incumbent: Ewon Benedick – PH (UPKO)

N12 Sulaiman

Incumbent: Hajiji Noor – GRS (GAGASAN)

N13 Pantai Dalit

Incumbent: Jasnih Daya – GRS (GAGASAN)

N14 Tamparuli

Incumbent: Jahid Jahim – GRS (PBS)

N15 Kiulu

Incumbent: Joniston Bangkuai – GRS (PBS)

N16 Karambunai

Incumbent: Yakubah Khan – BN (UMNO)

N17 Darau

Incumbent: Azhar Matussin – WARISAN

N18 Inanam

Incumbent: Peto Galim – PH (PKR)

N19 Likas

Incumbent: Tan Lee Fatt – PH (DAP)

N20 Api-Api

Incumbent: Christina Liew Chin Jin – PH (PKR)

N21 Luyang

Incumbent: Phoong Jin Zhe – PH (DAP)

N22 Tanjung Aru

Incumbent: Junz Wong – WARISAN

N23 Petagas

Incumbent: Awang Ahmad Sah Awang Sahari – GRS (GAGASAN)

P24 Tanjung Keramat

Incumbent: Shahelmey Yahya – BN (UMNO)

P25 Kapayan

Incumbent: Jannie Lasimbang – PH (DAP)

P26 Moyog

Incumbent: Darell Leiking – WARISAN

P27 Limbahau

Incumbent: Juil Nuatim – GRS

P28 Kawang

Incumbent: Gulamhaidar @ Yusof Khan Bahadar – GRS (GAGASAN)

P29 Pantai Manis

Incumbent: Mohd Tamin Zainal – BN (UMNO)

N30 Bongawan

Incumbent: Daud Yusof – WARISAN

N31 Membakut

Incumbent: Mohd Arifin Mohd Arif – GRS (GAGASAN)

N32 Kilas

Incumbent: Isnin Aliasnih – GRS (GAGASAN)

N33 Kuala Penyu

Incumbent: Limus Jury – GRS (GAGASAN)

N34 Lumadan

Incumbent: Ruslan Muharam – GRS (PBS)

N35 Sindumin

Incumbent: Yusof Yacob – GRS (GAGASAN)

N36 Kundasang

Incumbent: Joachim Gunsalam – GRS (PBS)

N37 Karanaan

Incumbent: Masidi Manjun – GRS (GAGASAN)

N38 Paginatan

Incumbent: Abidin Madingkir – STAR

N39 Tambunan

Incumbent: Jeffrey Gapari Kitingan – STAR

N40 Bingkor

Incumbent: Robert Tawik – STAR

N41 Liawan

Incumbent: Annuar Ayub Aman – STAR

N42 Melalap
N43 Kemabong

Incumbent: Rubin Balang – GRS (GAGASAN)

N44 Tulid

Incumbent: Flovia Ng – STAR

N45 Sook

Incumbent: Ellron Alfred Angin – STAR

N46 Nabawan

Incumbent: Abdul Ghani Mohamed Yassin – GRS (GAGASAN)

N47 Telupid

Incumbent: Jonnybone Kurum – GRS (PBS)

N48 Sugut

Incumbent: James Ratib – GRS (GAGASAN)

N49 Labuk

Incumbent: Samad Jambri – GRS (GAGASAN)

N50 Gum-Gum

Incumbent: Arunarsin Taib – WARISAN

N51 Sungai Manila

Incumbent: Mokran Ingkat – BN (UMNO)

N52 Sungai Sibuga
N53 Sekong

Incumbent: Alias Sani – WARISAN

N54 Karamunting

Incumbent: George Hiew Vun Zin – GRS (GAGASAN)

N55 Elopura

Incumbent: Calvin Chong Ket Kiun – WARISAN

N56 Tanjong Papat

Incumbent: Frankie Poon Ming Fung – PH (DAP)

N57 Kuamut

Incumbent: Masiung Banah – GRS (GAGASAN)

N58 Lamag

Incumbent: Bung Moktar Radin – BN (UMNO)

N59 Sukau

Incumbent: Jafry Ariffin – BN (UMNO)

N60 Tungku

Incumbent: Assaffal P. Alian – WARISAN

N61 Segama

Incumbent: Mohamaddin Ketapi – BN (UMNO)

N62 Silam

Incumbent: Dumi Pg. Masdal – WARISAN

N63 Kunak

Incumbent: Norazlinah Arif – GRS (GAGASAN)

N64 Sulabayan

Incumbent: Jaujan Sambakong – WARISAN

N65 Senallang

Incumbent: Shafie Apdal – WARISAN

N66 Bugaya

Incumbent: Jamil Hamzah – WARISAN

N67 Balung

Incumbent: Hamid Awang – GRS (GAGASAN)

N68 Apas

Incumbent: Nizam Abu Bakar Titingan – GRS (GAGASAN)

N69 Sri Tanjong

Incumbent: Justin Wong Yung Bin – WARISAN

N70 Kukusan

Incumbent: Rina Jainal – GRS (PHRS)

N71 Tanjong Batu

Incumbent: Andi Muhammad Suryandy Bandy – BN (UMNO)

N72 Merotai

Incumbent: Sarifuddin Hata – WARISAN

N73 Sebatik

Incumbent: Hassan A. Gani Pg. Amir – GRS (GAGASAN)

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News

Sabah State Election 2025: Key Facts, Parties, and What You Need to Know

What’s happening

  • Sabah is headed for its 17th state election (PRN17). The current Sabah State Legislative Assembly must be dissolved and new polls held by 7 December 2025. 
  • Recently, Chief Minister Hajiji Noor confirmed an electoral pact with Pakatan Harapan (PH), meaning GRS and PH will coordinate in the upcoming races.
  • The date is not fixed yet, but Chief Minister Hajiji Noor has announced the dissolution of the Sabah State Assembly on 6 October, paving way for an election within 60 days.

Why it matters

  • Autonomy, identity, and “Sabah for Sabahans.” Many analysts see this election as a referendum on Sabah’s autonomy within the Malaysian federation, particularly how strongly local parties can push for rights enshrined in the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). 
  • Test of federal–state relations. The election offers a window into how federal-level parties and coalitions — especially the unity government led by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim — will navigate the delicate balance of supporting state actors without undermining them. 
  • Political fluidity and volatility. Sabah’s politics are known for defections, shifting coalitions, and “frog-hopping” of assembly members. Any government formed will need to manage internal cohesion. 
  • Service delivery is under scrutiny. Voters in rural and semi-urban Sabah often cite basic issues — unreliable water and power supply, poor roads, infrastructure backlogs — as chronic grievances.

The big picture: Context & backdrop

Historical volatility

Sabah’s electoral history is rife with party switching, abrupt coalitional shifts, and short-lived governments.

In the last election (2020), Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) secured 38 of 73 seats — a slim majority — while the Warisan Plus coalition won 32, and independents took the remainder.

Because of the tight margin, internal disagreements and shifts in allegiance have always been a risk to governance stability. 

Coalitions and key players

  • GRS (Gabungan Rakyat Sabah). The incumbent coalition, constituted mainly of Sabah-based parties like Gagasan Rakyat Sabah (PGRS), Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS), SAPP, and others.
  • PH (Pakatan Harapan). Though more influential in Peninsular Malaysia, PH (through PKR, DAP, Amanah) has been aligned with GRS at the state level in recent years; the new pact formalizes that cooperation.
  • WARISAN. The party founded by Mohd. Shafie Apdal remains a strong local opposition voice. Its narrative often centers on Sabah’s rights and state-centric governance.
  • UMNO / BN, PN and others. Traditional national parties want footholds in Sabah. BN (via UMNO Sabah) still holds influence; Perikatan Nasional (PN) may seek contesting opportunities.
  • Smaller / local parties. Many small Sabah-based parties may play kingmaker roles, particularly in close contests. 

Key issues shaping voter sentiment

  1. Infrastructure and utilities. Problems like erratic electricity, piped water shortages, and poor road maintenance are perennial.
  2. Development and inequality. Sabah is among Malaysia’s less developed states, and voters want to see progress in education, healthcare, rural connectivity, and economic opportunities. 
  3. Autonomy, MA63, resource rights. Sabahans often demand stronger enforcement of the Malaysia Agreement, local rights over natural resources and fiscal leeway. 
  4. Political integrity & governance. Scandals, patronage, and shifting allegiances erode trust. Voters may reward parties seen as more consistent or principled.
  5. Electoral pacts versus competition. The new GRS–PH pact may reduce vote splitting but creates tension between cooperation and identity politics.
  6. Undecided voters. Recent polls show a large share of the electorate remains undecided — indicating that campaigns, ground work, and last-minute swings could matter. 

What to watch

IndicatorWhy it matters
Date announcement & timingA sudden dissolution signals strategic timing (favoring incumbents).
Seat allocations / candidate slatesWho contests where, and which seats are conceded, will show coalition priorities.
Campaign messagingThe balance between local issues (water, roads) vs identity/autonomy narratives will be telling.
Ground mobilization & turnoutSabah’s rural geography means turnout logistics and local ground forces matter.
Defections or post-election shiftsGiven Sabah’s political fluidity, ballot results may not be the final word.

Bottom line

The upcoming Sabah state election is more than a routine poll. It’s a crucible for Sabah’s identity, autonomy, and relationship with federal Malaysia. The coalitions that emerge, their stability, and how they execute governance afterward may reshape Sabah’s political trajectory.

Check out the stakes, players and the battle for the 73 seats.

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Explainers

Malaysia Subsidies Explained: What’s Covered, Impact & What’s Next

The big picture: Malaysia uses subsidies to keep essential prices low and cushion households and businesses. After decades of blanket aid, the country is shifting to targeted subsidies to protect the vulnerable and rein in costs.

What a subsidy is (and why it matters)

  • Definition: A government payment or price control that lowers what consumers or firms pay for goods/services (or raises producer income).
  • Malaysia context: Energy and essentials (fuel, electricity, cooking oil, rice, transport) have long been subsidised to manage living costs and inflation—but at a heavy fiscal price. In 2022, subsidies hit an all-time high RM70.3b, with RM52b on fuel alone.

Catch up quick: How we got here

  • 1983: Malaysia introduced the Automatic Pricing Mechanism (APM), effectively fixing retail prices and topping up when market prices ran higher—launching modern energy subsidies.
  • 2010–2014: First reform wave; some fuel subsidies cut; Dec 2014 moved to a managed float as oil prices fell.
  • 2022: Subsidy bill surged due to global commodity prices. Policymakers recommitted to targeting.
  • 2024–2025: Diesel moved to targeted aid; petrol (RON95) shifted to a quota-based targeted scheme while foreigners are excluded; broader budget reforms continued.

What Malaysia subsidises now

Fuel

  • Diesel: Blanket subsidy ended 10 June 2024 in Peninsular Malaysia. Market price at the pump; cash aid/fleet cards for eligible logistics, farmers, small traders, and targeted users. Govt expects ~RM4b in annual savings. Sabah/Sarawak and certain sectors treated differently.
  • Petrol (RON95): In late 2025 the government rolled out BUDI95: Malaysians with valid licences get up to 300L/month at RM1.99/L; foreigners pay a higher price; monthly quotas limit leakage. Savings estimates revised to RM2.5–4b depending on oil prices.

Electricity

  • Tariffs continue to use an automatic adjustment (AFA, replacing ICPT in July 2025), with protections/exemptions for specific groups and Green Electricity Tariff (GET) subscribers. 

Cooking oil

  • 1kg polybag under the Cooking Oil Stabilisation Scheme (COSS) remains at RM2.50/kg (quota ~60,000 MT/month).

Rice

  • Government interventions include padi floor prices and keeping local white rice (BPT) retail at RM2.60/kg, with periodic subsidy top-ups and reviews.

Public transport

  • My50: unlimited 30-day Rapid KL rail/bus pass at RM50, supported by government subsidy (historically ~RM100 per pass). Digital renewals via TnG from July 2025

Food items being normalised

  • Chicken (Nov 2023) price ceiling removed;
  • Eggs: subsidy ended Aug 1, 2025; authorities reported stable supply/prices afterward.

By the numbers

  • RM70.3b total subsidies (2022, record high). 
  • Govt projected RM61.3b (2024) falling to RM52.8b (2025) for subsidies & social assistance as targeting expands.
  • Diesel subsidy bill rose from RM1.4b (2019) to RM14.3b (2023)—a key driver for reform.

Pros & cons

Upsides

  • Cost-of-living relief for households and SMEs.
  • Inflation smoothing and social stability.
  • Targeting reduces fiscal drain and curbs smuggling/leakage (e.g., excluding foreigners; quotas).

Downsides

  • Fiscal pressure: Crowds out development spending if blanket.
  • Inefficiency & regressivity: Blanket energy subsidies often benefit higher-income/consuming groups more. (Synthesis of World Bank/ESMAP analyses.)
  • Market distortions: Overconsumption of energy; discourages efficiency/investment.

What’s next

  • Fuel targeting 2.0: Govt is fine-tuning BUDI95 delivery (verification via MyKad/e-wallets was floated; foreigners excluded; licence status checks). Expect tweaks to quotas/eligibility as data rolls in.
  • Electricity tariff reform: AFA monthly pass-through continues, with protections for vulnerable groups and green options via GET.
  • Food security levers: Continued reviews of padi floor price and local rice pricing/subsidy channels amid supply pressures.
  • Fiscal consolidation: Budget strategy targets deficit reduction while redirecting savings to cash aid and social programs.

Between the lines

  • Politics of pain: Governments sequence reforms (diesel first, petrol later; keep a subsidised “default” for masses) to manage backlash.
  • Design details matter: Who’s in/out (citizens, PRs, foreigners), monthly litre caps, and enforcement will decide how much the state actually saves. Revised savings projections (e.g., RM2.5–4b) reflect these trade-offs.

The bottom line

Malaysia isn’t scrapping subsidies—it’s retargeting them: smaller, smarter, and more data-driven, to protect lower- and middle-income Malaysians while stabilising public finances. Expect iterative adjustments to fuel, electricity, and staple-food measures through 2025 as authorities balance cost-of-living pressures with fiscal reality.

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Info

Parti Warisan Sabah

Parti Warisan Sabah (WARISAN) is a regional political party from Sabah that rose to national attention in a short span of time. Rooted in state rights, multiracial unity, and anti-corruption ideals, Warisan has positioned itself as a symbol of East Malaysian pride while also seeking a bigger role in shaping Malaysia’s political future.

Fast Facts

  • Founded: 17 October 2016
  • Founder & President: Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal
  • Key Achievements: Briefly governed Sabah (2018–2020); first East Malaysian party to be taken seriously as a national player

Origins: A Breakaway from UMNO

  • In 2015, Shafie Apdal — then a federal UMNO minister — was removed from the Cabinet.
  • The turning point: Shafie resigned from UMNO and launched Warisan in 2016 to offer Sabahans a local alternative to peninsula-led parties.
  • Early focus: Restoring state autonomy, fighting corruption, and rebuilding pride in Sabah’s identity under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) framework.

Rise to Power: 2018 State Election

  • GE14 (2018): Warisan partnered with Pakatan Harapan at the national level and swept to power in Sabah after defections gave Shafie a state majority.
  • The Warisan wave: The party captured the imagination of Sabahans with its strong regional messaging and rejection of race-based politics.
  • Shafie as Chief Minister: Led Sabah from 2018–2020; emphasized inclusive development, native rights, and state-federal balance.

Key Leader

LeaderTermHighlights
Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal2016–PresentFounding president; former UMNO vice-president; became Chief Minister of Sabah in 2018; seen as a symbol of Sabah’s political awakening.

Fall and Realignment: 2020–2022

  • 2020 Sabah snap election: WARISAN lost control of the state to Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS), a coalition aligned with Perikatan Nasional (PN) and Barisan Nasional (BN).
  • Post-defeat moves: Shafie expanded Warisan’s ambitions beyond Sabah, contesting in Peninsular Malaysia during the 2022 general election.
  • GE15 (2022): Warisan underperformed nationally, winning only a few seats, but maintained a presence in the federal Parliament.
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PBB

Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) is the most influential political party in Sarawak, and a key player in East Malaysia’s political landscape. While less visible at the national level than UMNO or DAP, PBB has long been the anchor of Sarawak’s ruling coalition and a symbol of state pride, autonomy, and stability.

Fast Facts

  • Founded: 30 June 1973 (through a merger of Parti Bumiputera and Parti Pesaka)
  • Founding Leaders: Tun Abdul Rahman Ya’kub (Parti Bumiputera), Tun Temenggong Jugah Barieng (Parti Pesaka)
  • Core Ideology: Sarawak nationalism, Bumiputera rights, moderate conservatism
  • Current Coalition: Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS)
  • Key Achievements: Longest-ruling party in Sarawak; key defender of Sarawak’s rights within the Malaysian federation

Origins: Unity for Sarawak’s Bumiputera

  • Why it was formed: To unify Sarawak’s Bumiputera Muslim and Dayak communities under one political platform, particularly as the state navigated its post-Malaysia formation identity.
  • Early focus: Autonomy, rural development, and maintaining Sarawak’s special status under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63).
  • Merger: The party was born from the union of Parti Bumiputera (Malay/Melanau majority) and Parti Pesaka(Dayak-oriented), creating a united front for native Sarawakians.

From Local Power to State Dominance

  • Rural stronghold: PBB built deep support in Sarawak’s interior and coastal constituencies, thanks to community outreach and development projects.
  • Coalition politics: For decades, PBB was a core party within Barisan Nasional (BN) at the federal level, while maintaining near-total control in Sarawak.
  • Chief Ministers: Since the 1970s, all Sarawak Chief Ministers (and now Premier) have come from PBB.

Key Leaders Through History

LeaderTermHighlights
Tun Abdul Rahman Ya’kub1973–1981Founding president; became Chief Minister; emphasized Islamization and education.
Tun Pehin Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud1981–2014Served as Chief Minister for 33 years; oversaw major infrastructure and economic development; later became Sarawak Governor.
Datuk Patinggi Abang Johari Tun Openg2017–PresentCurrent PBB president and Sarawak Premier; champion of digital economy, MA63 rights, and Sarawak-centric governance.

2018 Shift: Leaving Barisan Nasional

  • After BN’s fall: Following the 2018 general election, where BN lost federal power, PBB and three other Sarawak parties exited BN.
  • Formation of GPS: PBB helped found Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) — a new state-based coalition focused on Sarawak’s interests, free from Peninsular Malaysia’s party dynamics.
  • Repositioning: GPS supports federal governments selectively but maintains independence in state affairs.

PBB’s Core Principles and Agenda

  • Sarawak First: The party emphasizes autonomy, state rights, and devolution of power from the federal government.
  • MA63 advocacy: PBB has been vocal in demanding that Sarawak’s original rights under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 be honored — including control over immigration, education, and natural resources.
  • Development-oriented: Infrastructure, rural connectivity, and digital transformation have become key talking points under current leadership.
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Info

PAS

Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) is Malaysia’s largest and most influential Islamic political party. Founded in the early post-independence era, PAS has evolved from a small ulama-led party into a formidable force with deep grassroots support, especially in the Malay heartland. Its ideology, actions, and political alliances continue to shape Malaysia’s evolving relationship between religion, identity, and governance.

Fast Facts

  • Founded: 23 August 1951 (originally as Persatuan Islam Sa-Malaya)
  • Origin: Breakaway from UMNO’s religious wing
  • Core Ideology: Political Islam, Islamic statehood, Malay-Muslim unity
  • Slogan: Membangun Bersama Islam (“Developing with Islam”)
  • Key Achievements: Longtime ruler of Kelantan and Terengganu; key player in federal politics post-2018; consistent advocate for Islamic law and governance

Origins: An Islamic Response to Nationalism

  • Why PAS was formed: A group of religious scholars (ulama) who were dissatisfied with UMNO’s secular-nationalist orientation formed their own Islamic party, originally within UMNO’s structure.
  • Early mission: Promote an Islamic political agenda and represent the interests of devout Muslim Malays.
  • First breakaway: In 1951, PAS was officially founded to push for an Islamic state as a counterbalance to UMNO’s secularism and the multiracial Alliance model.

First Electoral Steps and Early Growth

  • 1959 general election: PAS won control of Kelantan, marking the beginning of its stronghold in the east coast Malay states.
  • Expansion: Built a loyal base among rural Malays through mosques, Islamic schools, and grassroots welfare efforts.
  • Ideological consistency: Unlike other major parties, PAS maintained a strong religious identity, even during politically isolated periods.

The Push for an Islamic State

  • 1980s–1990s: PAS ramped up calls for hudud laws and a theocratic Islamic state, leading to national debates and tensions with federal authorities.
  • Vision Document 1999: Articulated PAS’s goal of establishing a government based on Islamic principles, sparking both support and concern.

Electoral Alliances

  • 1999 general election: Joined Barisan Alternatif with DAP and PKR during the Reformasi wave. PAS made electoral gains but the alliance fractured due to ideological clashes.
  • Pakatan Rakyat (2008–2015): PAS softened its Islamist image to work with secular parties. It gained non-Muslim support in some areas but faced internal resistance.

Key Leaders Through History

LeaderTermHighlights
Dr. Abbas Alias1951–1956Founding president; shaped the early Islamic identity of the party.
Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy1956–1969Expanded PAS’s ideology to include anti-colonialism and social justice; charismatic and intellectual.
Tan Sri Asri Muda1969–1982Led PAS into the Barisan Nasional coalition (1973–1977); ousted after PAS was expelled.
Datuk Fadzil Noor1989–2002Modernized PAS and opened dialogues with opposition parties.
Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang2002–PresentCurrent president; architect of PAS’s hardline Islamic stance and current conservative alliances.

PAS in the 21st Century

  • Return to grassroots: Focused heavily on Kelantan and Terengganu, both of which PAS has ruled at various points.
  • 2015 split: Internal disputes over cooperating with DAP led to the formation of Amanah, a progressive Islamic splinter party.
  • New alliances: PAS aligned with UMNO through Muafakat Nasional (2019), then with Perikatan Nasional (PN) alongside Bersatu, cementing its role in federal power.

2020–Present: Political Power Rises

  • 2020–2022: PAS was part of the federal government under the PN-led coalition following the Sheraton Move.
  • 2022 general election: PAS emerged as the single party with the most parliamentary seats (43) — a historic feat. PN, led by PAS and Bersatu, became the main opposition bloc.
  • Current role: Governs Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah; plays a dominant role in the federal opposition; pushes for stronger Islamic governance at state level.
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DAP

The Democratic Action Party (DAP) is one of Malaysia’s most prominent multiracial opposition parties — though often perceived as Chinese-majority in support. Known for its firm stance on social justice, good governance, and democratic freedoms, DAP spent decades on the opposition bench before rising to power in 2018. Its evolution reflects Malaysia’s urban, middle-class political awakening.

Fast Facts

  • Founded: 11 October 1965
  • Origin: Successor to the Malaysian branch of Singapore’s People’s Action Party (PAP)
  • Core Ideology: Social democracy, secularism, multiracialism
  • Slogan: Malaysian Malaysia
  • Key Achievements: Longtime opposition force; helped end BN’s 61-year rule in 2018; advocate for clean governance, equal rights, and institutional reform

Origins: A Party with Singaporean Roots

  • Why it was formed: After Singapore’s separation from Malaysia in 1965, the Malaysian branch of Lee Kuan Yew’s People’s Action Party (PAP) rebranded as DAP, under the leadership of Devan Nair and later Dr. Chen Man Hin.
  • Founding vision: A “Malaysian Malaysia” — a nation where all citizens are equal regardless of race or religion.
  • Early setbacks: DAP was quickly cast by opponents as “anti-Malay” due to its secular and equality-based platform, leading to decades of struggle in the shadow of UMNO-led race-based politics.

Life in the Opposition: 1969–2008

  • 1969 general election: DAP made significant gains but was blamed — often unfairly — for racial tensions that led to the May 13 riots.
  • Opposition role: For years, DAP became the face of resistance against corruption, authoritarianism, and race-based policies like the NEP.
  • Challenges: Despite strong urban Chinese support, DAP remained isolated — frequently labeled as a “Chinese party” and struggling to break into rural or Malay-majority constituencies.

Coalition Building

  • 1999 onwards: Began working with other opposition parties like PKR and PAS under the Reformasi banner.
  • 2008 political tsunami: DAP scored major wins in urban areas; opposition took control of five states.
  • 2013 general election: Won the most seats of any party in Parliament but still could not form government due to Malaysia’s first-past-the-post system.
  • 2015–2018: Became a founding member of Pakatan Harapan after breaking with PAS. The new coalition was more cohesive, centrist, and reform-driven.

2018: From Protest to Power

  • Historic win: In the 2018 general election, DAP — as part of Pakatan Harapan (PH) — helped bring down Barisan Nasional, ending six decades of uninterrupted rule.
  • In government:
    • Held key ministerial portfolios (Finance, Transport, Energy, etc.).
    • Focused on institutional reform, economic restructuring, and transparency.
    • Faced internal and external backlash for perceived compromises on sensitive racial/religious issues.

Key Leaders Through History

LeaderTermHighlights
Dr. Chen Man Hin1966–1999Founding chairman; respected elder statesman and consistent advocate of secular multiracialism.
Lim Kit Siang1969–2022Icon of Malaysian opposition politics; jailed multiple times; champion of democracy, education, and anti-corruption.
Karpal Singh1978–2014The “Tiger of Jelutong”; fierce defender of the constitution, rule of law, and civil liberties.
Lim Guan Eng2004–Present (as Secretary-General)First Chinese Malaysian Finance Minister in over 40 years; former Penang Chief Minister; credited with financial reforms and fiscal transparency.
Anthony Loke Siew Fook2022–Present (as Secretary-General)Current party leader; seen as a bridge between generations; aims to broaden DAP’s appeal across ethnic lines.

Setbacks and Resurgence

  • 2020 collapse: The Sheraton Move brought down the PH government, pushing DAP back into opposition.
  • 2022 general election: PH returned to power via a Unity Government with former rivals (including UMNO). DAP remains a key component of the current government, though it has had to manage expectations and compromise.
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MIC

The Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) is one of the oldest political parties in Malaysia, established even before the country achieved independence. As the main political representative for the Indian community, MIC’s journey has been one of early nationalism, coalition politics, and evolving challenges in a changing Malaysia.

Fast Facts

  • Founded: 4 August 1946, Kuala Lumpur
  • Founding President: John Thivy
  • Core Ideology: Malaysian Indian rights, multiculturalism
  • Slogan: Progress, Unity, Excellence
  • Key Achievements: Co-founder of the Alliance Party; contributed to Merdeka negotiations and the post-independence nation-building process

Origins: The Early Struggle

  • Why MIC was created: Founded in the aftermath of World War II to protect the rights of Indian Malaysians and to engage with broader decolonization efforts.
  • Inspiration: Influenced by the Indian independence movement led by Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru.
  • Early focus: Initially campaigned for full independence for Malaya and sought better treatment and citizenship rights for Indian workers, many of whom worked in plantations.

Alliance and the Road to Independence

  • Joining forces: Recognizing the need for multiracial unity, MIC joined UMNO and MCA in forming the Alliance Party in the 1950s.
  • Role in Merdeka: MIC contributed to the tripartite negotiations that led to the declaration of independence in 1957.
  • Community focus: Shifted emphasis towards social and economic advancement for the Indian community — especially in education, employment, and housing.

Nation-Building Years: 1957–1980s

  • Post-independence work:
    • Advocated for Tamil schools and scholarships for Indian students.
    • Pushed for Indian representation in government, civil service, and private sector opportunities.
  • Political standing: As the smallest of the three Alliance parties, MIC had limited electoral weight but significant symbolic importance for multiracial governance.

Key Leaders Through History

LeaderTermHighlights
John Thivy1946–1947Founding president; set the ideological foundation based on Gandhi-Nehru principles.
K. Ramanathan1947–1950Strengthened the party’s social work programs.
Tun V. T. Sambanthan1955–1973Key figure in Alliance negotiations for independence; promoted Tamil education; symbol of Indian unity during the early nation-building phase.
Tan Sri V. Manickavasagam1973–1979Reorganized the party; focused on economic upliftment.
Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu1979–2010Longest-serving president; dominant figure in Malaysian Indian politics for three decades; expanded MIC’s economic and educational programs.
Datuk Seri Dr. S. Subramaniam2010–2018Led MIC during a period of decline; worked to reposition the party post-2008 losses.
Tan Sri Vigneswaran Sanasee2018–PresentCurrent president; focused on rebuilding party relevance and modernizing MIC’s image.

Challenges in the Modern Era

  • Urbanization and voter shift: As Malaysian society became more urbanized and educated, many Indians shifted support towards opposition parties like DAP and PKR.
  • Post-2008 decline: The 2008 general election marked a turning point, with MIC losing significant support and struggling to maintain electoral relevance.
  • Representation crisis: Many Indian Malaysians felt that MIC was unable to adequately address systemic issues such as poverty, education inequality, and discrimination.

MIC Today

  • Current position: A junior partner within the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, now part of Malaysia’s Unity Government.
  • Focus areas:
    • Revitalizing Indian educational institutions and Tamil schools.
    • Addressing socio-economic inequality among the Indian community.
    • Modernizing the party’s approach to attract younger Indian Malaysians.